Endnotes
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The present winter is worth an age, if rightly employed; but, if lost or neglected, the whole continent will partake of the evil; and there is no punishment that man does not deserve, be he who, or what, or where he will, that may be the means of sacrificing a season so precious and useful. —A citation from his “Common Sense.” ↩
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Early in August, 1776, Paine enlisted in a Pennsylvania division of the Flying Camp, under Gen. Roberdeau, and was first stationed at Amboy, New Jersey. —Conway ↩
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Philadelphia, whither Paine had gone to publish this first Crisis. —Conway ↩
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From the Declaratory Act of Parliament, February 24, 1766, concerning British authority over the American Colonies. See note 13. —Conway ↩
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This was the date of the pamphlet. The essay had appeared on December 19 in the Pennsylvania Journal. —Conway ↩
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Richard Viscount Howe had been sent with a view to negotiation with Congress. He had been a friend of Franklin in London, and it was supposed would find favor in America. He issued a Proclamation from H. M. S. “The Eagle,” June 20, another from New York Nov. 30, 1776. —Conway ↩
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I have ever been careful of charging offences upon whole societies of men, but as the paper referred to is put forth by an unknown set of men, who claim to themselves the right of representing the whole: and while the whole Society of Quakers admit its validity by a silent acknowledgment, it is impossible that any distinction can be made by the public: and the more so, because the New York paper of the 30th of December, printed by permission of our enemies, says that “the Quakers begin to speak openly of their attachment to the British Constitution.” We are certain that we have many friends among them, and wish to know them. ↩
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As some people may doubt the truth of such wanton destruction, I think it necessary to inform them that one of the people called Quakers, who lives at Trenton, gave me this information at the house of Mr. Michael Hutchinson, (one of the same profession,) who lives near Trenton ferry on the Pennsylvania side, Mr. Hutchinson being present. ↩
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Col. Johann Gottlieb Rahl, or Rall (as the name is now written), a Hessian, had distinguished himself in compelling the Americans to evacuate Forts Washington to the Delaware; for such service he had been placed in chief command at Trenton, where he fell. —Conway ↩
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This disposes of the notion that Paine was “Junius.” He wrote a petition to Parliament for the Excisemen, but it was not published until 1793. His “Wolfe” did not appear in the Gentleman’s Magazine, as Mr. Burr supposes. —Conway ↩
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This Crisis is dated April 19, 1777, the second anniversary of the collision at Lexington. Two days before (April 17, 1777) Paine had been appointed by Congress Secretary of the Committee of Foreign Affairs, on its constitution. —Conway ↩
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“That the King’s Majesty, by and with the consent of the Lords spiritual and temporal, and Commons of Great Britain in Parliament assembled, had, hath, and of right ought to have full power and authority to make laws and statutes of sufficient force and validity to bind the colonies and people of America, subjects of the crown of Great Britain, in all cases whatsoever.” Paragraph first of the Declaratory Act repealing the Stamp Act, February, 1766. —Conway ↩
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In this state of political suspense the pamphlet Common Sense made its appearance, and the success it met with does not become me to mention. Dr. Franklin, Mr. Samuel and John Adams, were severally spoken of as the supposed author. I had not, at that time, the pleasure either of personally knowing or being known to the two last gentlemen. The favor of Dr. Franklin’s friendship I possessed in England, and my introduction to this part of the world was through his patronage. I happened, when a schoolboy, to pick up a pleasing natural history of Virginia, and my inclination from that day of seeing the western side of the Atlantic never left me. In October, 1775, Dr. Franklin proposed giving me such materials as were in his hands, towards completing a history of the present transactions, and seemed desirous of having the first volume out the next Spring. I had then formed the outlines of Common Sense, and finished nearly the first part; and as I supposed the doctor’s design in getting out a history was to open the new year with a new system, I expected to surprise him with a production on that subject, much earlier than he thought of; and without informing him what I was doing, got it ready for the press as fast as I conveniently could, and sent him the first pamphlet that was printed off. ↩
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April 23, 1776. —Conway ↩
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In Philadelphia, the only American city with which Paine was then familiar. “Toryism” was of an exceptionally snobbish and self-interested type. It is certain, though not then recognized, that some excellent men made heavy sacrifices for their loyalty to the Crown. Some of these, while sympathizing with the colonies, regarded as sacred official oaths which they had taken to serve the King. —Conway ↩
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The Quaker “sister” was of course Hannah Lightfoot, and it would appear that Axford, to whom she was said to have been married, was in Philadelphia. —Conway ↩
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John Pemberton, an eminent Quaker, had been associated with the founding of the Antislavery Society, April 14, 1775, but afterwards led the Quakers into their unpatriotic position, and with more than twenty others was sent to Virginia and confined for some months, at a critical period of the Revolution. —Conway ↩
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Steward of the king’s household. ↩
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Formerly, General Townsend, at Quebec, and late lord-lieutenant of Ireland. ↩
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Paine would seem to date from the formation of the intercolonial committee, in 1773. —Conway ↩
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Battle of Brandywine, September 11, 1777. For the circumstances under which this brief Crisis was written, see Paine’s letter to Franklin. —Conway ↩
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In October, 1777, Howe being, since September 26, in possession of Philadelphia, Paine was employed by the Pennsylvania Assembly and Council to obtain for it constant intelligence of the movements of Washington’s army. While writing this, No. V, he saw much of Washington, and the pamphlet was probably to some extent “inspired.” It was put into shape at the house of William Henry, Jr., Lancaster, Pa., whose son remembered that he was very long at the work. It was printed at York, Pa., where Congress was in session. —Conway ↩
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George Augustus Howe, born 1724, fell at Ticonderoga, July 8, 1758. The General Court of Massachusetts appropriated £250 for the monument in Westminster Abbey. —Conway ↩
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At Cape Fear, April, 1776. —Conway ↩
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This ascription to Washington of a participation in the capture of Burgoyne did him a great and opportune service. The victory at Saratoga had made Gen. Gates such a hero that a scheme was on foot to give him Washington’s place as Commander-in-Chief. —Conway ↩
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Paine himself acted an important part in the affair at Mud Island. See my “Life of Thomas Paine”; also Paine’s Letter to Franklin. —Conway ↩
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General Vaughan had been acting with Cornwallis at Cape Fear. At the beginning of hostilities in North Carolina Tryon was governor there, and on his transfer to New York carried with him a general reputation for cruelty. —Conway ↩
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Paine, elected by Congress, April 17, 1777, Secretary of its Committee of Foreign Affairs, was really the Secretary of Foreign Affairs, and not improperly so styled in many publications. —Conway ↩
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In a private letter to Franklin, in Paris, Paine intimated a probable advantage from the British occupation of Philadelphia. It is said that Franklin, hearing it said that Howe had taken Philadelphia, remarked, “Philadelphia has taken Howe.” —Conway ↩
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Five commissioners were originally appointed to “treat, consult, and agree, upon the Means of quieting the Disorders now subsisting in certain of the Colonies, Plantations and Provinces of North America.” The commissioners are thus described by Lord Mahon: “Lord Howe and Sir William were included in the letters patent on the chance of their being still in America when their colleagues should arrive. Of the new commissioners the first was to be Lord Carlisle, with him William Eden and George Johnston. It could not be alleged that the selection of these gentlemen had been made in any narrow spirit of party. George Johnston, who had retained the title of Governor from having filled that post in Florida, was a Member of the House of Commons, and as such a keen opponent of Lord North’s. The brother of William Eden had been the last colonial Governor of Maryland. William Eden himself was a man of rising ability on the government side; in after years, under Mr. Pitt, ambassador in succession to several foreign courts; and at last a peer with the title of Lord Auckland. Frederick Howard, the fifth Earl of Carlisle, was then only known to the public as a young and not very thrifty man of fashion and pleasure. Against his appointment therefore there were many cavils heard both in and out of Parliament.”
The Commissioners reached America just as the British were evacuating Philadelphia. Johnston having made an effort to approach members of Congress privately, and with bribes, that body refused to have anything to do with him, and he had to withdraw from the Commission. General Sir Henry Clinton acted in his place. On June 6, 1778, Congress sent the Commissioners its ultimatum, expressing its willingness to “attend to such terms of peace as may consist with the honour of independent nations, the interest of their constituents, and the sacred regard they mean to pay to treaties.” On learning this the King wrote to Lord North (Aug. 12, 1778): “The present accounts from America seem to put a final stop to all negotiations. Farther concession is a joke.” Stevens’ invaluable Facsimiles shed much light on these events. —Conway ↩
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The Rev. Dr. Price of London, the eminent defender of America, whose discourses excited the gratitude of Congress. His sermon in 1789 “On the Love of our Country,” bearing on events in France, was denounced by Burke. —Conway ↩
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General [Sir H.] Clinton’s letter to Congress. ↩
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Adam Ferguson (b. 1724, d. 1816), Professor of Moral Philosophy in the University of Edinburgh, author of an “Essay on the History of Civil Society” (1767), and “Institutes of Moral Philosophy” (1769). —Conway ↩
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This is probably the earliest use of the phrase, “the religion of humanity.” By “Indian,” is meant the aboriginal American, employed by the British officials. —Conway ↩
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“For my own part, I thought it very hard to have the country set on fire about my ears almost the moment I got into it.” (Paine’s private letter to Franklin.) Paine arrived in America November 30, 1774. —Conway ↩
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This may appear inconsistent with a passage in “Common Sense,” on the advantage of a national debt, but it should be observed that the author there made the advantage dependent on such debt not bearing interest. —Conway ↩
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George III writing to Lord North May 12, 1778, recognizes in the rebuff of the Commissioners the end of all negotiation, and begins to abandon the hope of recovering the American Colonies. “All that can now be done is steadily to pursue the plan very wisely adopted in the spring, the providing Nova Scotia, the Floridas, and Canada, with troops.” He suggests that New York might be abandoned. —Conway ↩
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Whitehead’s New Year’s ode for 1776. ↩
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Ode at the installation of Lord North, for Chancellor of the University of Oxford. ↩
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Paine, who was now Clerk of the Pennsylvania Assembly, first proposed the subscription, and headed it with $500. —Conway ↩
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This is taking the highest number that the people of England have been, or can be rated at. ↩
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The following is taken from Dr. Price’s state of the taxes of England.
An account of the money drawn from the public by taxes, annually, being the medium of three years before the year 1776.
Amount of customs in England £2,528,275 Amount of the excise in England 4,649,892 Land tax at 3s. 1,300,000 Land tax at 1s. in the pound 450,000 Salt duties 218,739 Duties on stamps, cards, dice, advertisements, bonds, leases, indentures, newspapers, almanacs, etc. 280,788 Duties on houses and windows 385,369 Post office, seizures, wine licences, hackney coaches, etc. 250,000 Annual profits from lotteries 150,000 Expense of collecting the excise in England 297,887 Expense of collecting the customs in England 468,703 Interest of loans on the land tax at 4s. expenses of collection, militia, etc. 250,000 Perquisites, etc. to customhouse officers, etc. supposed 250,000 Expense of collecting the salt duties in England 10½ percent 27,000 Bounties on fish exported 18,000 Expense of collecting the duties on stamps, cards, advertisements, etc. at 5¼ percent 18,000 Total £11,642,653 -
I have made the calculations in sterling, because it is a rate generally known in all the states, and because, likewise, it admits of an easy comparison between our expenses to support the war, and those of the enemy. Four silver dollars and a half is one pound sterling, and three pence over. ↩
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The depreciation of Pennsylvania currency. —Conway ↩
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At the opening of Parliament, November 27, 1781. After the surrender of Cornwallis, and the resignation of Lord North, the King, in a letter to North (April 21, 1782), describes himself as “a mind truely tore to pieces.” —Conway ↩
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Opening sentence of “The Forester’s” first letter to “Cato.” —Conway ↩
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Paine, as Secretary for Col. John Laurens, visited France early in 1781, and obtained from that country six millions of livres, with clothing and military stores, supplies which resulted in the defeat of Cornwallis. —Conway ↩
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Mr. William Marshall, of this city [Philadelphia], formerly a pilot, who had been taken at sea and carried to England, and got from thence to France, brought over letters from Mr. Deane to America, one of which was directed to “Robert Morris, Esq.” Mr. Morris sent it unopened to Congress, and advised Mr. Marshall to deliver the others there, which he did. The letters were of the same purport with those which have been already published under the signature of S. Deane, to which they had frequent reference. ↩
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Deane was actually in London associating with Benedict Arnold. The extent of his treason was not known until the publication, in 1867, of George the Third’s correspondence. —Conway ↩
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Henry Seymour Conway, M.P. for St. Edmund’s Bury (born 1720), had been groom of the bedchamber to George II, and to George III until 1764. He had moved the repeal of the Stamp Act, while in the Privy Council of Rockingham. He was afterwards joint Secretary of State with Grafton, resigning in 1772. His fidelity to the Americans made him odious to the king. He was Governor of Jersey and defended it in 1779. “General Conway,” writes Horace Walpole, “is in the midst of the storm in a nutshell, and I know will defend himself as if he was in the strongest fortification in Flanders. I believe the Court would sacrifice the island to sacrifice him.” (Letter to Sir H. Mann, July 7, 1779.) Conway’s motion to discontinue the war in America passed Feb. 27, 1782, by 234 to 215. —Conway ↩
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Sir Guy Carleton—a humane and just man—had succeeded Sir Henry Clinton at New York. —Conway ↩
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The lot fell on Asgill May 27, 1782, at Lancaster, Pennsylvania; it will be seen by the date of this letter to the commander at New York that it must have been written immediately after the arrival of the news in Philadelphia. With the rest of the world Paine was ignorant of the fact that young Asgill, an officer under Cornwallis, was, by Article 14 of his chief’s terms of capitulation, exempted from liability to any such danger as that which now threatened him. On September 7th Paine ventured to write to Washington a plea for Asgill’s life, saying, “it will look much better hereafter.” The truth of which must be felt by every American who learns, after its long suppression, the ugly fact that it was only after a protest from the court of France, whose honor was also involved, that Captain Asgill was released.
It should be added that the guilt of Captain Lippencott was strenuously denied, and that the facts have never been ascertained. —Conway ↩
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Afterwards Lord Lansdowne, whose friendship Paine enjoyed when in England some years later. Writing to Jefferson, March 12, 1789, Paine says: “I believe I am not so much in the good graces of the Marquis of Lansdowne as I used to be—I do not answer his purpose. He was always talking of a sort of reconnection of England and America, and my coldness and reserve on this subject checked communication.” —Conway ↩
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“These are the times that try men’s souls,” The Crisis No. I published December, 1776. ↩
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That the revolution began at the exact period of time best fitted to the purpose, is sufficiently proved by the event.—But the great hinge on which the whole machine turned, is the Union of the States: and this union was naturally produced by the inability of any one state to support itself against any foreign enemy without the assistance of the rest.
Had the states severally been less able than they were when the war began, their united strength would not have been equal to the undertaking, and they must in all human probability have failed.—And, on the other hand, had they severally been more able, they might not have seen, or, what is more, might not have felt, the necessity of uniting: and, either by attempting to stand alone or in small confederacies, would have been separately conquered.
Now, as we cannot see a time (and many years must pass away before it can arrive) when the strength of any one state, or several united, can be equal to the whole of the present United States, and as we have seen the extreme difficulty of collectively prosecuting the war to a successful issue, and preserving our national importance in the world, therefore, from the experience we have had, and the knowledge we have gained, we must, unless we make a waste of wisdom, be strongly impressed with the advantage, as well as the necessity of strengthening that happy union which had been our salvation, and without which we should have been a ruined people.
While I was writing this note, I cast my eye on the pamphlet, Common Sense, from which I shall make an extract, as it exactly applies to the case. It is as follows:
“I have never met with a man, either in England or America, who has not confessed it as his opinion that a separation between the countries would take place one time or other; and there is no instance in which we have shown less judgment, than in endeavoring to describe what we call the ripeness or fitness of the continent for independence.
“As all men allow the measure, and differ only in their opinion of the time, let us, in order to remove mistakes, take a general survey of things, and endeavor, if possible, to find out the very time. But we need not to go far, the inquiry ceases at once, for, the time has found us. The general concurrence, the glorious union of all things prove the fact.
“It is not in numbers, but in a union, that our great strength lies. The continent is just arrived at that pitch of strength, in which no single colony is able to support itself, and the whole, when united, can accomplish the matter; and either more or less than this, might be fatal in its effects.” ↩
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This referred only to the previous two years; before that Paine had been Secretary of the Congressional Committee of Foreign Affairs, and subsequently Clerk of the Pennsylvania Legislature. —Conway ↩
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This was the date of the eighth anniversary of the collision at Lexington, where the first blood was shed in the revolution. —Conway ↩
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Rhode Island. —Conway ↩