That there is this divergence among Anarchists in the way of looking upon methods of action is because some of them, more carried away by temperament than controlled by principles, though they believe themselves to be fighting for Anarchy, really have in view only a revolution, imagining that it, by its very essence, leads to every Anarchistic ideal, exactly as the Republicans of yesterday imagined they saw the opening of an era of grandeur and prosperity for all as soon as the republic should be proclaimed. It would be useless to recapitulate the illusions which have succeeded each other in the minds of the working-classes since the putting into operation of the republican regime; let us be forewarned against the not less terrible ones which would await us did we expect everything from the revolution, did we make it our end while it is but a means. Such persons start out with a notion with which they are saturated⁠—a notion laudable enough in itself⁠—that elements may be gathered together for the purpose of stirring up a revolution; that these may become numerous enough to attempt uprisings, may create situations from which the revolution must burst forth; and that organized revolutionary groups may guide its evolution in whatever direction it shall please them to give it impulse. Hence their acceptance of means which, to them, seem likely to hasten the hour of the revolution; hence their efforts at trying to unite everything having a revolutionary appearance under a mixed program, leaving aside details, nice distinctions which would prevent a common understanding and force them to dispense with some who seem to be of revolutionary temperament. We, on the other hand, are convinced that the revolution will come from without our ranks and before we shall be numerous enough to provoke it. We believe that the vicious organization of society leads inexorably thereto, and that an economic crisis, complicated with some political occurrence, will be sufficient to fire the powder and provoke the outburst which our friends would create. It is perfectly evident to all who do not cheat themselves with words or hide their heads under their wings to avoid seeing the facts, that the situation cannot be much further prolonged. Discontent is too general: it was that that gave so much strength to the Boulangist movement, which became abortive only through the stupidity and cowardice of its leaders; but where they failed others may succeed. Though it no longer has the definite character reached during the Boulangist movement, the discontent is none the less there, quite as widespread and profound. Far from subsiding the commercial crisis is increasing: the task of employing the workers becomes more and more difficult; those who are out of work behold the constant lengthening of their periods of enforced idleness; the army of the unemployed becomes more and more numerous. Winter brings us a repetition of the endless tales of beggars shivering from the nippings of frost and hunger, anxiously awaiting at the gates of barracks, hospitals, restaurants, and the doors of a few philanthropists the hour for the distribution of a bowl of soup and a bit of bread. And as this situation cannot be prolonged forever, as people will end by getting tired of starving, they will revolt.

Now, we believe that Anarchistic action will be felt so much the more in this revolution the more the ideas of Anarchism have been propagated, comprehended, elucidated, freed from all the chaff of prejudices with which habit, heredity, and education have encumbered us. What we seek before all is to state our ideas precisely, to spread them, to gather together comrades thoroughly conscious of their position, avoiding every concession which might conceal any portion of our ideal, unwilling to accept, for the sake of increasing our numbers, any alliance or compromise which at a given moment might become a fetter or set afloat a doubt about what we desire. Once more: the revolution is not for us an end, but a means⁠—inevitable to be sure, and to which we are convinced we must have recourse⁠—but which is without value save for the end we seek to make it serve. Let us, then, leave the task of making revolutionists, to society, by its crying injustices creating malcontents and rebels; let us seek to make individuals conscious, knowing what they want; in a word perfect Anarchists, revolutionists truly, but such as do not stop with giving a blow but know why they give it.

We know all about the answer of some of our opponents at this point; they will ask us: “What have your fine theories about initiative and the spontaneity of individuals accomplished so far? What are all your scattered and unrelated groups doing? Are you not yourselves obliged to oppose the acts and theories which are sought to be passed off under the name of Anarchy and which you refuse to accept as such?”⁠—It is quite clear that the Anarchist propaganda is far from having returned all the results which its extent would warrant, far from having been understood by all those who proclaim themselves its defenders; but this only shows the necessity of their further elaboration, of not fearing too frequent repetition, in order that attention may be concentrated upon the points sought to be elucidated, And besides if the efforts of the Anarchists are slightly lacking in conscious coordination, actual, tangible organization, these efforts are none the less considerable. They have at least the spirit of connection, the coordination given by a common vision of an object in view and sharply defined. Whether in France, Spain, Italy, England, America, or Australia, the Anarchists want the abolition of private property, the destruction of authority, complete autonomy of the individual without any restriction. This is the common basis of the idea. Certainly there may be differences in the employment of the means for reaching it; the ideal has not yet been attained; we go forward insensibly, and when we shall have come to be no longer afraid of certain words by which dissimilar things are now confounded, we shall soon see an understanding established between the different international groups, and a truly earnest and entirely libertarian organization⁠—an understanding and an organization so much the more durable that they are the result of practice, and not of a factitious understanding made up of concessions.

As to whether there are acts and theories between which and ourselves we should draw the line of separation, it is evident that there is a kind of propaganda⁠—subsidized to be sure⁠—which has slipped in among us, and which the exaggerative temperament of some fair and square comrades has helped to spread, against which we should forearm ourselves with all our might. But it is not by crying out against the principles nor by urging on the revolution only, that we shall succeed in escaping false brothers, false ideas, false principles. There is but one means of distinguishing Anarchistic ideas from those which have been given currency for the purpose of sidetracking the movement: to work still harder to elucidate them, to weed out the remains of authoritarian prejudices still more thoroughly from our proceedings, to make ourselves understood by those to whom we address ourselves, and enable them to discern whether such and such an act be Anarchistic or not; this will be much more effectual than proceeding to excommunications in the lump. Doubtless those who are impatient to see our dream of happiness and harmony realized may be discouraged by what actually goes on in our ranks; it may make them despair of ever seeing a general understanding issue from the chaos of ideas which under the name of Anarchy war more or less upon the bourgeoisie. But is it not characteristic of every new idea which would destroy the existing order of things, that it momentarily creates chaos and disorder? Once more: Let us leave the impatient ones to do their fuming! Let us give precision to our ideas, and the theories, becoming better considered and more definite, will coordinate themselves so much the better that they contain nothing forced, that no fetter shall have been placed upon the free evolution of minds. We cannot repeat too often that it is by developing the Anarchistic idea that self-conscious men are created, and the chances for the success of the revolution augmented.

What has helped to lead many comrades into the error that “principles are a chain, a hindrance in the struggle,” is that, perceiving this very discord of ideas and efforts, despairing of seeing a force adequate for the purposes of revolution gather together, they treat the serious discussion of ideas as metaphysical; and, not finding in our own midst the force which they fancied themselves able to seize by other means, they return to authoritarian methods, which they naively imagine they have divested of authority because they have changed the names. Anxious for the struggle they do not perceive that, though apparently isolated, the efforts of the combatants nevertheless converge towards the same goal, that nothing is lacking to give this coordination the power they wish to impart to it save that it be reasoned out; and that this last can come about only through the diffusion of our ideas.

“When a comrade promises us his help,” say these, “we want to be able to count on him, and to be sure that he will not, under the pretext of liberty and personal autonomy, fail to respond when the day of action comes.” We are entirely of the opinion of these comrades; but we consider also that it is a part of the propaganda to demonstrate that no person should engage therein unless he is certain of being able to stand by it; that a thing once undertaken, it is a matter of honesty to fulfill one’s promises. Of course this again raises the question of the struggle against dissolving conceptions noticed above; but it is incumbent upon our propaganda to show the good effects of complete understanding and confidence between comrades. What, indeed, could all the engagements undertaken and exacted beforehand accomplish? Though it should be inscribed in colossal characters upon programs prepared in advance that people must be bound by the agreements they enter into, what could be done so long as none had power to constrain those who should violate those agreements?

Let us listen less to our impatience and more to our reason, and we shall see that “metaphysics” is not always where we suppose it to be.